What is political geography definition

    what is political geography definition

    political geography

    Definition of political geography.: a branch of geography that deals with human governments, the boundaries and subdivisions of political units (as nations or states), and the situations of cities — compare geopolitics. political geography A series of maps illustrating the evolution of the region's political geography would have strengthened the chronological format of the text. From the Cambridge English Corpus The political geography of these struggles routinely moved .

    Take your pick! Words and phrases for choosing things. Add political geography to one of your lists below, or create a new one. Compare human geography. Geography - general words. Examples of political geography.

    It is also necessary to examine the political geography of the region to understand the differences between the northern and southern tribes in this regard. From the Cambridge English Corpus. The reshaping of political geography -the extension of the actual and imagined reach of the state power-had to garner public support in order to achieve success. On the other, it represented the new polity and political geography. There is also a tension between the definition of selfhood in his work and political geography in general.

    A goal for future research might poltical to examine other aspects of economic and political geography that would explain similar patterns. There is no space here to address questions of agrarian detail, so this paper what fetus looks like at 10 weeks have to make its points largely through political geography and settlement history.

    The polar regions: a political geography. Political geography in the twentieth century. It was clear that bean curd what is it assistant commissioners had done much homework and taken the trouble to inquire into the geography, if not the definitino geographyof the areas. From the Hansard archive. Example from the Hansard archive. Contains Parliamentary information licensed under the Open Parliament Licence v3. Every state had a distinct political geography that shaped party membership.

    From Wikipedia. It is often advocated by pan-nationalist movements and has been a feature of identity politics, what is political geography definition and political geography. The political geography of the parish is further complicated by the fact that it is divided between two baronies. As an undergraduate he studied economics, economic geography, and political geography.

    It has a distinct and changing political geography that ;olitical often an excellent indicator of the politics of knowledge. Geopolitics is multidisciplinary in scope, and includes all aspects of the social scienceswith particular emphasis on political geographyinternational relations, the territorial aspects of political science and international law. These examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors.

    What is the pronunciation of political geography? Browse political action committee. Test your vocabulary with our fun image quizzes. Image credits. Word of the Day jazz. About this. Blog Take your pick! Words and phrases for choosing things April 28, Read More.

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    The Internal and External Relations of Countries

    political geography definition: 1. the study of the way in which the world is divided into countries 2. the study of the way in. Learn more. Sep 05,  · Political geography is the further offshoot that studies the spatial distribution of political processes and how these processes are impacted by one's geographic location. It often studies local and national elections, international relationships and the political structure of different areas based on geography. POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY IS the study of the ways geographic space is organized within and by political processes. It focuses on the spatial expression of political.

    It focuses on the spatial expression of political behavior. Boundaries on land and on the oceans, the role of capital cities, power relationships among nation-states, administrative systems, voter behavior, conflicts over resources, and even matters involving outer space have politicogeographical dimensions. Sadly, this concern with the very stuff of politics waned after Mackinder and Bowman. Geopolitics became discredited by a Nazi association and political geography became an ossified subdiscipline of a tired subject, often taught, never researched, a prisoner of outdated theories.

    From the disciplinary perspective, political geography may be defined as either geography or political science. Political geography is the study of relationships among humans, their environment, and their political institutions.

    The controversy over states' rights, which has been revived again and again in the UNITED STATES , masks geographic problems growing out of the natural environment of the southern states, or out of natural resources of petroleum-producing states, or out of water requirements in dry and semiarid states. All these and more require political accommodation. The functions of political geography are not confined to one state but embrace the whole globe.

    It is intriguing to attempt to rank the sovereign states of the world in terms of effective national power, to evaluate the regional importance of one state compared to its neighbors, to range over the world and consider the ever changing power of the British Commonwealth of Nations, or the French Community, to analyze the reasons for political tensions between regions in terms of environmental differences—these are the substance of political geography in its broadest terms.

    The subject is also dynamic, searching for the effects of change and the rate of such change. Change affects, in every inhabited spot, the elements within the political state that define it, that strengthen or weaken it, that slowly alter the image of a state in the world.

    The nature of change and its velocity are both little understood, for humans are cursed with a love of the familiar, the usual and ingrained, and their grasp is finite and time bound. Today, an interstate superhighway system is of more importance to the agriculture areas of the Midwest than southward river routes. The political importance of the differing economic developments of communist CHINA and democratic INDIA causes scholars to question the suitability of one type of government over another.

    Yet scholars admit that the political state is in one sense an abstraction, dependent on written records and some degree of respect for possession or ownership.

    It could not exist in a world without other political states. As an abstraction, it appears at a certain level of culture, marked by written language, sedentary life, and the need for organization.

    Today, in certain areas of the world, it appears to be only another stage in the search for unity by groups of people. In newly born states it is national unity. The painfully complex path of Western Europe toward federation is a movement toward regional unity. The latter's course contrasts sharply with the turbulent, uneasy history of newly independent nation-states of the former Soviet Union.

    Political geography is functional; it studies the degree of unity reached by the environment and man's political institutions.

    Laws governing the ownership of water rights that were evolved in moist, cool northwest Europe were unsuccessfully transplanted to the American semiarid southwest. In much of Latin America, most of the land is owned by a small wealthy class. The resultant pressure of population on resources is a continuing specter that threatens to menace the productivity of the environment and to conjure up political revolution.

    Subordinate political units in the state also clash with man's use of the environment. It can be witnessed in the U. Above all, there is the increasing role of central political power in the modern industrialized states, which has been forced primarily by the interregional complexities of economic and social problems.

    Political geography considers different cultural meanings for similar political and geographic functions. Attitudes, frames of reference, habits, and beliefs—all the rationale of political and cultural action—are explored for their agreement or disagreement with the environment. America, in the colonial period, offered the natives hunting and fishing; to the colonists, it offered farms, lumber, cotton, and tobacco.

    The prairies of the Midwest or of western CANADA , with their thick, deep-rooted grass, have a different meaning to the settler today than what they had before the invention of the steel plow. These lands were first unsuitable, then invaluable, for profitable settlements.

    The former accommodates to local tribal government by the patriarch; the latter is the agent of highly centralized, democratic government that is over 1, miles distant. The pace of change today is forcing many peoples to reorient their customs and habits.

    Unfortunately, cultural inertia often produces only a veneer of change. The oil-rich sheiks of the Arabian peninsula gladly accept the costly consumer goods of the West; many a Cadillac has not been uncrated or may have been run dry of gasoline and abandoned.

    The distrust of the strange, the foreign, and the unusual continue to haunt most of the world's peoples. Though moderated after centuries of conflict, religion remains contentious over vast areas.

    The idea of race, expressed in terms of color of skin and physiognomy causes rioting, murder, economic and social discrimination, and political bias in many countries. Despite the general rise in literacy and the construction of educational systems and rapid communications structures, there probably has not been a corresponding increase in the level of understanding and tolerance.

    Not less important, and among the slowest to change, are those series of conventions that society impresses upon individuals. These force the control or submission of the instinctive impulses, for the most part, for the general social good. The political geographer is concerned with the homogeneity and heterogeneity in action within and without the political unit.

    He or she must attempt to analyze the centrifugal and centripetal forces acting and interacting at different rates. Humans remained a pawn of their environment for thousands of years before they became sedentary. Security lay with the tribe and idol, and fears led to primitive worship. The arrival of sedentary agriculture provided the grounding to develop small groupings, implying an intimate association with a single homogeneous landscape.

    The hold of the primeval past remained strong even in the Greek world of Persian invasions, in the lifetimes of Pericles, Plato, and Aristotle. The Greeks were the first known culture to actively explore geography as a science and philosophy, with major contributors including Thales of Miletus, Herodotus, Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, Aristotle, Dicaearchus of Messana, Strabo, and Ptolemy.

    But Greek scholars began to think logically and abstractly about the meaning of the world around them. Both Plato and Aristotle analyzed the political state, its environmental base, and man's relationships with it. They attempted to clarify cause, space and time. Although the political world of their day became complex, they agreed to find unity among environment, man, and the state. The polis, the city-state, was their political frame of reference.

    The influence of topography in fragmenting the Greek peninsula into many small river valleys, separated by hills and mountains but facing the sea, has also been commented on many times.

    Yet, even for the Greeks it was true, as it is increasingly today, that humans are active, intelligent agents, not the pawns of their environment. Whenever we study the thought of other people in other cultures and at other times, their frame of reference must be considered to explain their limitations and successes. Greek thinkers were no exception. An early comment on the political environment by Aristotle was both nationalistic and deterministic. Peoples of Asia are endowed with intelligence but are deficient in skills.

    This is why they continue to be peoples of subjects and slaves. He implied that nomadic tribes are not likely to develop a high degree of political organization. The first of these were his own people, inhabitants of Greek city-states along the fringe of Anatolia—yet he looked down on them.

    Today, we would consider the low level of technology at that time as important, one that produced small surpluses but dense populations. The size of these eastern empires contributed to the necessity for a political organization that depended on a highly centralized monarchy buttressed by military power. When Aristotle wrote that the Greeks were better than barbarians of the north and the Asians of the east, he emphasized the importance of location; he was writing about the known world.

    In addition, he believed that climate had a strong influence on qualities such as spirit and intelligence, for in the Greek division of climates , the Greek lived in the temperate zones, the nomad in the cold regions, the Asiatic in the hot areas. Greek thinkers were cautious of their common nationality, but through most of the ancient period they were more impressed by the consciousness of the value of their individual civic life. The 5th century B. Greek unity was imposed by Philip and Alexander of the Macedon.

    The unity of which Plato wrote was sharply limited in dimension. He was certain that the city-state was the ideal political form for humans. Later, in the age of Caesar and Augustus, the geographer Strabo argued that only with a strong central government with one powerful ruler could a continental empire such as Rome survive and flourish. Through the centuries, humans have altered many times their views on the size, structure, and functions of the political state that they continued to require.

    These early observations on the nature of interlinkages between people, the environment, and political institutions could not evolve in a coherent subdiscipline of political geography. The surge of new geography of the s and s bypassed political geography. The new geography, with spatial analysis as its theme, neoclassical economics as its accounting frame, and logical positivism as its methodological underpinning, could not accommodate a political geography.

    The emphasis of neoclassical economics on the economy as a harmonious, self-regulating system, where each factor of production receives its fair reward, ignored questions of conflict and inequitable distribution, and the focus of logical positivism directed attention to verifiable empirical statements in particular, and data analysis in general, and away from the operation of the more incorporeal power relations within society.

    A truly political geography could not flourish in such a climate. Moreover, the explicit analysis of politics was taken over by the last social science discipline, political science. This academic assertion was being conducted by a discipline, which according to some scholars was a device for avoiding politics without achieving science. Ignored by its discipline and lacking any theoretical substance from political science, it is little wonder that political geography was a moribund subject.

    The origins of political geography are usually traced to Friedrich Ratzel — , who was the brilliant yet ambiguous founder of modern political geography. He was strongly influenced by rapid, vigorous developments in the natural sciences in the 19th century and sought to discover the realities of political society.

    Ratzel and Karl Marx both thought that there were natural laws that controlled society. Ratzel's critics have often disregarded his fundamental contributions to the elements of political geography, underestimated the attention he gave to the factors of location and space, and fixed their disliking on his attempt to develop an analogy between political state and living biological organism.

    In his native GERMANY , the concept of natural selection and survival of the fittest became wedded to a geopolitical jurisdiction of national expansion. A group of German geopoliticians emerged who gradually discredited his reputation as they abandoned rationale and unbiased geographic thought and turned to justifications of war and conquest.

    Ratzel thought that states in all stages of development are considered as organisms that stand in a necessary connection with the ground, and hence must be viewed geographically.

    He linked the state to a mobile body, to an organism subject to the natural laws of growth and decay. His organism was spiritual and moral. Just as an organism is born, grows, matures, and eventually dies, Ratzel argued, states go through stages of birth around a culture hearth or core area , expansion perhaps by colonization , maturity stability , and eventual collapse.

    Strongly influenced by Darwinian thinking, he was interested in the relationships between the state and the Earth, between political institutions and their physical environment. His major contribution came with his representation of the state as a organism needing Lebensraum living space and the competition between states for that space as a Darwinian contest involving the survival of the fittest.

    He suggested that only a sporadic absorption of new land and people could stave off the state's decline. In fact, Ratzel proposed a blueprint for imperialism.

    He believed the higher the technological and social development of the political state, the farther that state was removed from its organic foundations.


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